How NGOs Got Here: Historical and Social Context of Philanthropic
Movements
Keywords: philanthropy, NGO history, noblesse oblige
2800 words
John P. Harrison, CAE
(first published as part of the
American Cancer Society world wide training for NGO management, © 2006. All rights reserved by the author)
Many
historical forces intersect to yield a modern NGO (Non-governmental
Organisation): philanthropy, medicine,
social and religious climate, and so on.
Not-for-profit organisations, especially those in the USA, have benefited from centuries of
social and technological developments.
We explore some of the more interesting aspects of that development with
a hope it may provide some light on an organisation’s possibilities and issues
in other cultures.
We start by
defining philanthropy as voluntary action for the public good. For many societies, the earliest and most
prominent mention of philanthropy is in the religious traditions. Although most all faiths contain teachings on
charity and humane benevolence (Hinduism and Buddhism have dana, or charitable welfare, and Confucius taught of benevolent
government, and most tribal religions have some form of communal charity), the
expressly mandated charitable behaviour of the three Abrahamic faiths (Judaism,
Christianity, and Islam) has no doubt been a huge force in shaping philanthropy
in the West.
The
teachings of prescribed tithing, service to others, and alms, have helped shape
the concept of noblesse oblige. It is not only modern religion that puts
forth this philosophy of sharing the wealth however, for Julius Caesar also
left large legacies for public purpose.
Interestingly, in ancient writings, we also find along side this
willingness to share, the distrust of giving things away for fear of being
cheated by false beggars. Indeed, philanthropy (charity to people) itself
was described as the Greek god Prometheus’ crime as he gave away fire
philanthropically to humans (and was bound to the mountain peak as
punishment).
In order to
understand the tendency toward voluntary behaviour for the public good, it is
important to know the underpinnings of the philosophy of charity. In classical China, for instance, charitable behaviour
was much more likely to be done in secret rather than in any public way. It was not until late in the Ming Dynasty (AD
1300- 1600) that the concept of public charity became more accepted.
In the
West, two great events did much to shape organised charity: the Black Death (or bubonic plague) and
several centuries later the Industrial Revolution. After the plague of the 14th
Century, the Europe that survived entered an Age of
Benevolence, characterised by a more “this worldly” approach to solving
problems. Increased ability to organise
and more knowledge (spread through the printing press) led to changing
expectations of Church and government.
Science as an endeavour for the public good began to take shape, and
many charitable hospitals arose.
Scientific fraternities or societies formed, peer review and publication
spread, and the aristocracy by and large subscribed to noblesse oblige, especially in Britain.
In Britain, the advent of the Industrial
Revolution in the 1800’s, created unprecedented wealth, and the mechanisation
also caused vast changes in the previously agrarian social structure. Urban poverty and unhealthy living conditions
were brought to light by such authors as Charles Dickens, and the aristocracy
and others were instrumental in forming relief agencies, organisations, and
movements.
About the
same time, the founding and growth of the USA gave rise to a proliferation of
non-profits and organised and individual charitable work. The “association” phenomenon in the US thrived because of several
reasons: the British organisational
heritage—without the aristocracy, the Puritanical mandate for good works, the
emphasis on individual action (from frontier individualism), the absence (or
distrust) of government, and the plentiful resources of the New World.
The French essayist de Tocqueville, upon studying the US, noted that the “Americans of all ages, all stations of life,
and all types of disposition are forever forming associations”.
Indeed, today there are well over a million registered tax-exempt
associations and other non-profit organisations in the US.
In other
parts of the world, the advent of philanthropic organisations arose much differently. In Latin America, the influence of the Roman
Catholic Church (from the Spanish and Portuguese Empires) shaped charity work
as the Church funded lay-led institutions and Catholic fraternities to do much
of the work. The advent of community-led
organisations apart from the Church is a much more recent phenomenon.
During the
Cold War, communist countries often officially saw much of the social ills of
the West as part of a larger class struggle and refused or were reluctant to
have any social programmes apart from the government. In the Soviet Union, for instance, NGOs were not
allowed to operate until 1985, during the Gorbachev era.
Even though
many cultures might have had indigenous ways of handling philanthropy, these
were often overshadowed by the presence of a colonial power. The colonial power’s legal system,
organisational culture, and direct relief efforts usually set the stage for the
manner in which philanthropic organisations would develop. Also, if a strong, non-democratic government
was present, this often led to the sponsored nurturing of a favourite cause
(often at the whim of a dictator or the oligarchy).
As part of
the rise and democratisation of philanthropic organisations, public scrutiny
and the demand for transparency have also risen. At the end of WWI, a conflict having much to
do with the forces of industrialisation versus those of agriculture and the
aristocracy, there was a period of intense scrutiny of existing charities probably
in part as a rebuke of the old aristocratic order. During the aftermath of WWII though, charitable
organisations were needed as never before, and the newly formed United Nations
in fact coined the term “Non-Governmental Organisation”.
The term NGO
The term
NGO describes many diverse types of bodies, and there is no precise generally-accepted
definition. Perhaps it is best to
describe what an NGO is not: it is not a
government bureaucracy, a political party, a for-profit company, or a criminal
or violent group. In essence, an NGO is
a private voluntary organisation—an independent, voluntary organisation acting
for some common, presumably philanthropic, purpose. A classic example is the Red Cross (ICRC),
founded in the 1860s to help victims of war and an organisation which derives
its legitimacy by being neutral as it regards governments.
This brings
up the question of whether an NGO is usually an operational group mobilised for
some specific relief or development project or an “interest” group built around
advocating a certain cause or point of view.
This distinction is dependent on the concerns of the critic and has
little analytical value. Governments agreeing with the actions of a particular
NGO may refer to them as neutral groups operating on a worthwhile project, and
governments at odds with a particular NGO may label it as one-sided pressure
group; it all depends. An NGO may bring
needed resources to a project with a government’s blessing, or an NGO may be
viewed as a competitor, doing what the government itself should be doing or at
least wants to collect funds for doing:
“The way philanthropy is done, the way it is
structured and its preferred objectives often become battlegrounds for other
issues.” (Ilchman et al, 1998).
Indonesia : History of Philanthropy
Philanthropy in Indonesia has long existed as a part of
tradition and custom of its people for centuries. Religious institutions and
values are the two major factors that motivated Indonesian people to involve in
philanthropic activities.
According to Islam (the religion of 85% of
people in Indonesia), philanthropy comes with religious
belief and in different suggested forms. Similar mechanisms are also practised
by the followers of other religions in Indonesia: Christianity, Buddhism, and
Hinduism. Furthermore, many cultural traditions in Indonesia accommodate philanthropic
activities. For example, the Minangkabau people, in West Sumatra, and the Sundanese and Javanese
peoples in Java, have traditions of helping each others by giving money, food
and other necessary items to the poor.
Old Order Government Era (1945-1965)
Indonesia won its independence (from Dutch
rule and Japanese occupation) in 1945. Some religious and social organizations
were established during the independence war and existed during the late 1940s
and early 1950s. Many voluntary
philanthropic practices were channelled through religious and social
organisations. For example, two large Muslim organizations, Nahdatil Ulama (NU)
and Muhammadiyah organized collection of funds from mosques. The Lembaga Daya Dharma (LDD) in Jakarta, worked for managing funds
collected by all Catholic churches in Indonesia, and similarly, Yadna Puniakerti in
Surabaya applied the same pattern in
collecting funds from Hindu temples. Nichiren Syosu Indonesia (NSI) organised
collection of funds from Buddhist temples.
During that time, the post-colonial government
was involved in managing and collecting obligatory annual wealth and poll taxes
(Zakat), non-obligatory taxes such as ad hoc contribution in cash or service
(Sadaqua). The government also has
allowed community and non-profit organizations to self-organise similar tax
collecting bodies known as Lembaga Amil Zaka, Infaq, Sedekah (LAZ).
New Order Government (1966-1998)
Philanthropic practices channelled through
religious and social organisations expanded between 1966-98. Some social
foundations and religious organisations with great concern for philanthropy
were established during this period. Through new laws, non-profit
foundations were allowed to work in the fields of education, religion, health,
and culture and to have tax exemptions. The number of social foundations and
religious organizations involved in philanthropic activities has significantly
increased ever since. However, later laws regarding taxation of social
foundations, reduced the tax exemption benefits granted to non-profit
foundations in the previous tax laws.
Corporate philanthropy is
another important source for the development of philanthropy in Indonesia.
However, during the New Order regime, these potential funds were exclusively
managed by the foundations owned by the president Soeharto’s families.
Following the fall of Soeharto’s regime in 1998, corporate philanthropy became
more accessible for other social foundations and religious organisations.
The Current Government
Corporate and religious
donations have been popular philanthropic activities since 1998. Besides,
electronic and print media companies are actively collecting funds and giving
coverage to their philanthropic activities. In addition to providing larger
coverage in collecting donations and funds, the involvement of the media also
provides transparency, thus becoming important in the current philanthropic
activities in Indonesia.
Case Studies: Brazil, Ghana, Egypt, India, and Thailand
Adapted from: Salamon, Lester M. and Helmut K. Anheier. “The Third World’s
Third Sector in Comparative Perspective.” Working Papers of the Johns
Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project, no. 24, edited by Lester M.
Salamon and Helmut K. Anheier. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Institute for
Policy Studies, 1997).
While the nonprofit sectors of the five
countries examined here seem to be quite a bit more extensive than previous
analyses suggested, they are nevertheless still generally smaller than in the
average developed country. Compared to
4% or 5% of the labor force in the developed countries, nonprofit organizations
in the developing world generally employ fewer than 2% of the workforce. What
is more, significant variations seem to exist in the scale of nonprofit
activity from country to country. Thus
the nonprofit sector seems more fully developed in India and Brazil than it does in Thailand, Egypt, or Ghana.
In India, for example, various directories list a
total of about one million nonprofit organizations including professional
associations, social welfare agencies, caste associations, and thousands of
others. The network in Ghana of 1,700 nonprofit organizations alone
employs about 600,000 people.
In Brazil, the Catholic Church, in close alliance
with the State, built a vast network of schools and hospitals, with Protestant
denominations setting up competing institutions. At the end of the 19th
century, secular voluntary associations such as mutual societies and trade
unions emerged as the country developed economically. The upshot is a sizable and varied set of
nonprofit institutions. Federal government registries list over 210,000
nonprofit organizations, including 45,000 in São Paolo alone and another 16,000
in Rio
de Janeiro. Most of these organizations are small, with
budgets of less than US$30,000, but there are also huge educational
institutions and hospitals that are frequently linked to the Catholic
Church. Total employment within this
sector is at least 1 million, or somewhat less than 2% of total
employment. What is more, this sector has
been growing in recent years. A survey
of nonprofit organizations in São Paolo and Rio de Janeiro revealed that over 90 percent of the
numerous neighborhood and community organizations that exist in these two
cities were formed in the last two decades.
Although nonprofit institutions seem to
be somewhat less extensive in Thailand, Egypt, and Ghana than in Brazil and India, they are far from nonexistent. In Thailand, for example, there are some 15,000
nonprofit organizations, 2,200 of them in Bangkok alone. Cremation associations are the
most frequent type of such organizations, accounting for 50% of the total. These associations have deep roots in Thai
society, handling the all-important burial functions that are so sacred to
Buddhism; but they have recently begun assuming modern credit functions as
well. In addition to the cremation societies, moreover, numerous social welfare
associations also exist, comprising 39% of the registered organizations.
In Ghana, the Department of Social Welfare has
identified over 800 nonprofit organizations in the larger urban areas
alone. However, only about one fourth of
these are officially registered with the government. In addition, there are 114 nonprofit
hospitals scattered throughout the country, as well as 242 primary and 229
secondary schools, all typically linked to religious bodies. Moreover, the 800 organizations listed by the
Department of Social Welfare do not include the numerous village associations,
credit and savings associations and similar types of self-help groups, such as
the Susu associations, with roots in village traditions.
Finally, Egypt boasts some 17,500 nonprofit
organizations with an estimated total membership of almost 6 million people out
of a total population of over 53 million. This does not include the numerous
informal associations among the poor, nor many of the Islamic groups organized
around individual mosques. The latter
constitutes a vast network of unregistered groups created by popular Islam,
providing health, social services and education to populations that the State,
with its dwindling resources, is increasingly unable to reach.
Not only is the nonprofit sector in these
countries quite large, it also extends well beyond the "NGOs" that
have been the principal focus of attention in the developing world. Thus, for example:
In Brazil, nearly one quarter of
the 210,000 nonprofit organizations registered with the federal government are
social service providers, 20% are sport and recreational clubs, and another 14%
are organizations active in the fields of education, research and culture.
Based on a survey of nonprofit organizations in the state of Rio de Janeiro, we estimate that the
fields of education, health, and social services account for over 70% of all
nonprofit employment.
In India, a survey…shows that
education, social services, and culture and recreation account for,
respectively, 40%, 19%, and 19% of nonprofit activity, and that only 8% of the
organizations are engaged in developmental work per se.
The nonprofit sector in the developing
world extends well beyond NGOs, and also receives its funding from sources which
go well beyond the traditional development assistance that is often identified
with nonprofit organizations in these areas.
In India, for example, while some 15,000
nonprofit organizations registered with the government received $460 million in
foreign assistance as of the early 1990s, the majority of revenue actually
comes from domestic sources, much of it in the form of fees and charges. Similarly, a survey of nonprofit
organizations in the state of Rio de Janeiro revealed that fees and charges are more
important than funds from abroad in financing nonprofit activity. In fact, the really distinctive feature of
nonprofit finance in the developing world may not be the relatively higher levels
of outside aid so much as the relatively smaller levels of government
support. Whether this is a permanent
feature or another sign of the stage of development of the sector in these
countries is one of the most crucial issues for the future. The significant
level of government support to nonprofit organizations in India suggests, however, that the latter may
be the case.
References
Bremner,
R. Giving: charity and philanthropy in history. Transaction Publishers. 1994.
Critchlow,
D. and Parker, C. With us
always: a history of private charity and
public welfare. Rowman &
Littlefield. 1998.
Ilchman,
W., S. Katz, and E. Queen. Philanthropy
in the World’s Great Traditions. Indiana University Press. 1998.
Glossary
Board of directors: the governing body of an organization, usually
elected or chosen from among the group’s concerned parties.
Constituency:
the group of
persons who are represented by or who support and/or benefit from the
organization.
NGO:
Non-governmental Organization -- an independent, voluntary organisation
acting for some common, presumably philanthropic, purpose
Not-for-profit:
the terms non-profit and not-for-profit usually indicate an organization’s exemption from
most taxation by the government. It also
indicates that the ownership of the organization does not belong generally to
any one individual, but instead to a group of directors.
Philanthropic:
efforts for benevolence instead of monetary gain